MISCELLANEOUS, RANDOM NEWS FROM AROUND THE WORLD


This page will list news that, due to timing or lack of significant developments and/or related details, does not constitute an in-depth analysis. It is a mere journalistic chronicle, often concise and devoid of stylistic embellishments, where political analysis is brief or absent. Reflections, where present, will continue to be based on a factual, objective, and critical analysis of the pre-existing context, following the autocatalytic mechanisms that determine any innovation and historical involution. Biographical notes with a more subjective analysis or a slight polemical note may occasionally be published. The page will be periodically updated.



May 7, 2025

Who will be the next Pope? The Conclave and the obstacle of linguistic skills

It is obvious that the Pope does not necessarily need the linguistic skills of a simultaneous interpreter. Languages are important, yes, but it is also fair to consider everything else, especially his political and religious vision. However, it is a fact that among the 133 cardinals who will vote in the Conclave, less than half would be able to read—read, not recite by memory!—a text written in Italian or ecclesiastical Latin. There are only 17 Italians, but from a linguistic point of view, they are undeniably advantaged. Being native Italian speakers, they can read ecclesiastical Latin and Spanish without difficulty, as the latter is an extremely similar language to Italian. Many Italians also have a B2 level of English, not excellent but useful for casual conversation and for reading a speech in a comprehensible manner. The older ones are often fluent in French, since it was customary to study it extensively in Italian schools until the 1970s. Among them, there are also the most learned clergy who have engaged with both ancient and modern Hebrew.

Now, it is unlikely that a "young" Pope will be chosen as John Paul II was at his time. That was a particular era when a Slavic Pope was very useful for dismantling the Soviet dominion from within, and there weren’t many Slavic cardinals. But historians know well that historical cycles rarely last beyond a decade. Choosing a man in his fifties, potentially useful in an anti-Russian or anti-Chinese context, could be risky, as over time he could become a historical anachronism, ineffective, or even, if a diplomatic phase were to arrive, disliked by the opposing side. In fact, the last two Popes were both in their seventies, perfect for embodying the political needs of that specific decade. Ratzinger represented the Eurocentric response to relativism, and—most importantly—the fear of an Islamic drift in a besieged West. Wojtyła, after September 11, was no longer able, due to his advancing age and physical issues, to represent these specific needs, and his image was limited, geopolitically, to the struggle with Russia. Bergoglio, on the other hand, was perfect for trying to avoid or delay a third world war. His speeches put the focus on the human being, regardless of race and ethnicity. Those who chose him likely foresaw well in advance the potential dangers of a clash between macro-areas. Therefore, it is logical to hypothesize that the next Pope will be between 68 and 75 years old, with a margin of error, in either direction, of 2 or 3 years.

The foreign cardinals in their sixties and seventies who can make themselves understood when speaking Italian or reading ecclesiastical Latin, apart from Spanish speakers, are very few: they can be counted on the fingers of one hand, perhaps two. Among the cardinals often cited as favorites, Timothy Dolan—close to conservative political positions and supported by the Trumpian environment—has never shown particular familiarity with Italian. His pronunciation and sentence construction make it difficult to understand him without subtitles, and in over twenty years of being considered papabile, he has never felt the need to improve his language skills. Would he be able to read a text in literary Italian, with rich diplomatic and ecclesiastical terminology?

A similar discussion can be made for Luis Antonio Tagle, a figure greatly loved by the masses, partly due to his ever-present smile. His language skills are certainly better than Dolan's, but in various videos available online, it is noticeable that his Italian—while functional—is often quite simple and limited, which leads him to oversimplify complex topics. Even for him, reading Italian and Latin texts written in an elaborate style might prove too difficult.

Choosing a Pope based on emotion, without also considering this aspect, could turn out to be a double-edged sword, especially in the long run. Not only would the Italians notice, but many other faithful would as well. Over time, an atmosphere of miscommunication could develop, and the Pope would lose impact and authority. The risk, far from remote, would be that he might end up like Albino Luciani.

Among the few foreigners who could face Parolin and the other Italian and Spanish-speaking papabili on a linguistic level are Péter Erdő and Dominique Mamberti. However, the latter currently holds the position of protodeacon, which makes his election less likely, even though he has—perhaps more than other more famous names—all the qualities to assume the papacy. Erdő, a Hungarian cardinal and prominent figure in the European Episcopal Conference, has solid academic training and wide linguistic competence, which allows him to move easily between Latin, Italian, and other European languages. He is considered a doctrinally conservative profile, especially in moral and liturgical matters. Nevertheless, after a pontificate marked by cardinal appointments leaning toward more progressive positions, it is plausible that the next Pope - whether Italian or foreign - will be chosen as a figure of balance, a middle ground between tradition and reformism, or as a natural continuation of the path opened by Pope Francis.


April 24, 2025

The Pope of Dialogue and “Tenderness” Has Died. He Was a Glimmer of Light in a Dark World

The Argentine Pope, who came “from the end of the world,” knew well what it meant to be “different” in a world that favors conformity. His family background brought him closer to the poor, to immigrants, and to all those who embody constructive unity, but also the cruel discriminations and subtle contradictions of living between two cultures. His long and meticulous academic formation — a Jesuit-style Ratio studiorum that continued until the age of forty, though it never culminated in a doctorate — trained him in rigorous and impartial study, enabling him to avoid partisanship and to recognize both the positive and negative sides of every issue, without declaring winners. He was a man who had made two simple but profound principles his own: that truth is almost never entirely on one side, and that virtue is almost always found in balance. A rare trait in today’s polarized, Manichaean world. That’s why he was appreciated — even deeply — by atheists and agnostics, by people weary of war and clear-sighted enough to see through the sordid machinations of power meant to indoctrinate the masses. His relationship with Israel was long debated, true, and although some of his statements were exploited, he still earned the respect of many hilonim, who saw him as a wise man.

Of course, it’s impossible to be liked by everyone — and his unclassifiable (and therefore uncontrollable) nature made him uncomfortable and even hated by a significant part of the Vatican lobby, just as happened with Albino Luciani. But unlike the “Smiling Pope,” Bergoglio was also a shrewd man, accustomed to analytical pragmatism, entrenched within the safe walls of Santa Marta, and surrounded by extremely trusted men and women — strategies that allowed him to reach the age of 88 and to bypass cyanide and digitalis, despite the inevitable ailments of someone who had undergone a lobectomy. His 2021 statement — “Some wanted me dead, they were already preparing the Conclave” — speaks volumes about how aware he was of the viper’s nest lurking behind an environment that only appears idyllic on the surface.

Perhaps, to balance out his pacifist foreign policy, he had to concede — at least in part — on internal Church politics. After all, even during Videla’s time, he acted in much the same way, serving as a balancing point between those who embraced liberation theology and the conservative wing. He was, after all, a man of the 1930s, and some of his ideological resistances and anachronisms — such as his views on female priesthood — likely stemmed from different priorities and sensitivities. Though he embraced a modern ecological vision, he sometimes showed a certain unease toward those who anthropomorphize animals. After all, calling one’s pets “children” is objectively ridiculous, even if few dare to say it out loud for fear of offending the unresolved emotional deficiencies of others. Granted, he could have used more diplomatic tones to express his dissent, but from time to time, his strategic calm — so appreciated in foreign policy — gave way to the oddities and impulsive outbursts of an eighty-something-year-old. 

Yet it was precisely in those cracks, those little emotional slips, that one could glimpse the man behind the pontiff — someone who didn’t hide behind the armor of his role, someone who put himself out there, even when he made mistakes. Unforgettable in this regard was the famous slap to the overly enthusiastic Chinese faithful — a human gesture that sparked both controversy and sympathy, especially because the Pope knew how to apologize. Bergoglio was like that: so calm and impartial in foreign policy, and yet so humanly imperfect in everything else. And still, besides the word “peace,” pronounced in that unmistakable Argentine accent, another recurring theme in his speeches was “tenderness” — and in his own way, he was tender, especially in certain moments, not always as planned as one might think, but often spontaneous and unexpected, even startling or moving. Like when he embraced a man disfigured by neurofibromatosis, or when he knelt to pray for the end of the pandemic in an empty St. Peter’s Square. In those suspended fragments, the role gave way to the man — and the man, in the end, moved more than the pontiff ever could.

At a time when conformity seems to matter more than individuality, Bergoglio tried to call the Church — and the world — back to an ethic based not so much on religious dogmas, but on a shared responsibility toward human beings. His view of humanity wasn’t strictly confessional: he promoted an ethic of care that spoke even to non-believers, close to the secular idea of the common good, inclusive without proselytizing. His “new humanism” was rooted in universal dignity, shared fragility, and the idea that technology, progress, institutions — even the Church — should serve humanity, not the other way around. An imperfect humanism, yes, but an innovative, pioneering, and in its own way, bold one — able to move into territories that had been largely unexplored (or barely touched) by the rigid diplomacy of the Vatican.


February 18, 2024

Navalny: how dangerous can the shadow of martyrdom be?

That Navalny was not an "angel" is known to every Russian with functioning neurons. Although being ethically immaculate is not a quality one thinks of when delving into the field of political science, it is undeniable that some individuals are more entangled with power than others, sometimes dangerously so, for themselves and their nation. Navalny was undoubtedly one of these people. His image as a new Solzhenitsyn, conveniently cleansed of the scandals of the past, had become the emblem of the Russian opposition, the dream of a promising alternative to Putin. Yes, but only in the West.

In Russia, where NATO propaganda arrives subtly or not at all, everyone was aware of his involvement with Alternative Democratic, a movement funded by the National Endowment for Democracy (Congress of the United States), and his participation in Russian marches with a neo-Nazi and supremacist influence. During his leadership at Narod, the delirious speeches in which he portrayed Asian Russians as cockroaches to be shot had alarmed people of non-European origin, from Islamic Russians to those of Jewish origin, from xanthodermic Russians (Mongols and similar) to numerous immigrants from Georgia and the Stan Republics. Blond, tall, and with Nordic anthropometric features, he resembled more an ancient Varangian than a typical short, brachycephalic, and prominently cheekboned Russian, the kind referred to as "Baltic" during the Positivist era. Whether he was conditioned by his physical appearance or resurrected the old cliché of Westernizers against Slavophiles, adapting it in a modern and racist key, the fact remains that racial purity was a central idea in his political vision. His ideals were well-known in Israel, where occasionally alarming articles surfaced in the Jerusalem Post, perhaps financed by Putin, but their veracity was never entirely disproven. Whether he toasted to the Holocaust, as someone wrote, remains to be proven, but his writings don't make it so difficult to believe. After all, many people change their political ideals in youth, and it is legitimate to mature over time. It often happens that one is born into conservative families that negatively shape you, only to change one's mind during university years. But Navalny was saying and writing these things when he was already in his thirties, when a person's cultural background should be rooted and internalized. At the age of thirty-two, Navalny was still a convinced racist, and that's a fact. No Georgian would deny it.

Yet, within a few years, there is a liberal and integrative turning point. From a pen pal of the anti-Semitic leader Aleksandr Belov, he begins addressing the entire nation. His enemies are no longer Asian Russians, but political corruption and the government. At the same time, his ties with the USA and the West become increasingly close. Like many potential Trojan horses, he associates his name with the elite of the transatlantic academic world. He earns a postgraduate degree at Yale, and his daughter is admitted to Stanford, two universities where even native speakers struggle to gain easy access, let alone non-native English speakers. But something begins to leak and comes under the scrutiny of the FSB. In July 2020, his Anti-Corruption Foundation (Фонд Борьбы с Коррупцией) is closed by the Russian government due to contacts with James William Thomas Ford, identified by Russian intelligence as an agent of the British MI6. The video in which Navalny's right-hand man negotiates funding from the British is still visible today (1).

Whether he was a NATO stooge or a Damascus-road convert who embraced the pan-Russian vision only in maturity, his cumbersome past did not inspire trust in a people where even many Caucasians have non-European origins, considering Lenin's Jewish and Kalmyk roots. The truth is that even if Putin hadn't rigged the elections, the election results would never have favored Navalny. Russians have always looked with horror and disdain at those who betray the Motherland and Eurasian unity. Solzhenitsyn was exploited by Americans in an anti-communist key and by Russians during détente; his figure became central thanks to the Nobel Prize. Yet, Russians never forgave him for his Vlasovite sympathies. Today, he is an outcast in the literary pantheon, and Russians rarely read his works. From Andrei Vlasov to the color revolutions, little changes... the greatest fear of Russians is not plutocracy or capitalism but territorial disintegration. Many feared that if Navalny had won, Russia would be fragmented, with a European and xenophobic part under NATO (USA) influence and other parts de facto governed by the USA and China.

If the end of Prigozhin was foretold (the setback was too significant), many believed that the Novichok incident in 2020 would suffice regarding Navalny. Keeping him in a remote corner of Siberia was a warning more than enough for a man who didn't pose a real threat. After all, why kill him if no one would vote for him? What danger could a man detested by millions of Russians possibly pose? Putin has always been steadfast, but also logical, and logic seldom allows for miscalculations. Yet, it must be admitted that some forms of hatred resemble desire, making it impossible to stop thinking about it. When this happens, no one is immune from excess, no matter how logical they may be. Putin must have truly hated him to make such a daring decision, but the aura of martyrdom could undermine the Russian balance. Obviously, not at a political level, but symbolically. As long as Navalny was imprisoned in a remote gulag, one could excuse it by saying that Assange had also been imprisoned for years, but now that he's dead, what will be said? How will it be proven that a 47-year-old man died of natural causes? It can legitimately be said that, since the war began, this has been Putin's first irrational decision, and it is an event not to be underestimated. NATO deals almost daily with a leader, Biden, who confuses Merkel with Kohl and Egypt with Mexico, but until now, Russia has been governed by a mechanism of firm rationality that had nothing to envy Nepomnjaščij. Perhaps now NATO will start taking Medvedev's nuclear threats much more seriously.


1-  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8a0BPmBSmrM



January 18, 2024

TIM/KKR: when "Golden Power" doesn't apply

The Western Cybersecurity Sector is Increasingly Americanized

Despite the Italian government's ability to block acquisitions that fall within national interest using the "Golden Power" (legislative decree no. 21/2012), it did not deem it appropriate to prevent the sale of NETCO (TIM) to the U.S.-based KKR (Kohlberg Kravis Roberts). The French company Vivendi, TIM's largest shareholder, tried to oppose the sale for months, but to no avail. In response to inevitable criticism from those fearing a compromise of national sovereignty, the government argues that "it is a step forward, outlining a framework of strategic supervision entrusted to the State" – a mere smokescreen bordering on flattery, especially considering that the board of directors will be reduced from 15 to 9 members, implying an admission of loss of power and decision-making irrelevance.

Assuming that there ever was full national sovereignty in Europe, it seems clear that, with the escalation of the new Cold War, this sovereignty is increasingly precarious. In many states, governments come and go like seasons, and geopolitical objectives are potentially volatile. This is especially true for states like Italy, not particularly known for selflessness and pact loyalty. Thus, control of cybersecurity becomes the trump card in U.S. dominance. Those who control communications have access to a far from inconsequential pool of information, and the landscape is more or less the same throughout Europe. In Spain, Sánchez fears Saudi dominance and takes precautions by acquiring 10% of Telefónica. However, the U.S.-based BlackRock (controlling 4.98%) awaits confidently the next government crisis or recession. Meanwhile, psychological pressure increases, and Larry Fink (CEO of BlackRock) treats the Spanish prime minister with arrogance and impatience. U.S. dissatisfaction is evident: what do they want to calm down a bit? In the United Kingdom, control is total, and AWS (Amazon) gathers classified intelligence material on cloud computing. European cybersecurity is becoming an extension of the USA.


1-https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/economia/2024/01/17/tim-il-governo-autorizza-la-cessione-della-rete-a-kkr_6be9ab53-2c3d-4c54-b1b3-ad37a35306b9.html

2- https://www.elconfidencialdigital.com/articulo/politica/sanchez-cita-urgencia-ceo-blackrock-calmarle-telefonica/20240116000000703390.html


 

December 20, 2023

Not only Vox: Partido Hispano de España

The Spanish Far Right and the Growing Importance of Latin American Voters

In Spain, the proportion of Hispanic Americans is beginning to represent a significant pool of votes: one and a half million voters. Many of them are affluent individuals who fled bankrupt socialist states, and it is easy to understand that they harbor a sense of mistrust and hostility towards the left. Vox is aware of this and increasingly collaborates with dissident movements from Venezuela and Cuba, Fujimorists from Peru, and Peronism nostalgics. However, in this fragmented and ever-changing context, where nothing is perfectly predictable, other red-brown parties emerge, declaring themselves "neither right nor left," despite being noticeably right-wing. An example is the Partido Hispano de España, more of a political movement than a true party.

As of now, it is impossible to know with absolute certainty whether it is one of the numerous emanations of Vox or if it constitutes a separate movement. The limited media coverage would lean towards the latter hypothesis, but if the former conjecture is valid, this small group would allow Vox to make inroads into the Hispanic electorate by addressing sensitive issues without affecting the image of the major right-wing party. By infiltrating their Discord channel and inquiring about a possible alliance with Abascal, an evasive response is obtained; those who respond emphasize that the current priority is to gain traction among the people and spread ideas. This is true, considering the small number of followers. Insisting on the importance of having allies reveals that they have already formed an alliance with Frente Nacional, a Francoist party officially dissolved in 2011. Furthermore, they have entered into an agreement with the Mexican URN (Union de Renovación Nacionalista) and with the Asociación Estudiantil Hispanistas FEH. What they reveal about Frente Nacional is interesting because it was not deducible from social media. They may have lied to gain potential followers, but it could also be true and indicate that Frente Nacional is not dissolved as many believe, and at least part of it continues to exist, perhaps clandestinely. After all, the first Frente Nacional was dissolved due to debts in 1993, and another emerged about a decade later. As for other alliances, they were already widely publicized on their social media, and analyzing Twitter/X likes and the profiles they follow indicates connections with various pan-Hispanic movements. Among the profiles that stand out are Uruguayhispanista, Reunificacionista hispanista, and several other clone profiles that may be attributable to the same person.

The unattainable idea of ​​rebuilding a Spanish empire or at least something similar, especially in terms of soft power, is evident, and there are nostalgic references to a Hispanic Florida, although Americans would certainly not welcome them with open arms. Nevertheless, the idea of ​​the empire often resurfaces in their adoration for Charles V and Philip II. Several posts refer to the Leyes Nuevas or books refuting the leyenda negra and the slavery that followed the discovery of America, a logical choice to appeal to people who often descend from criollos and indios. When asked about their official position on Jews, considering the infamous limpieza de sangre of the modern age, they reply, "If these Jews or Israelis do not commit any crimes and are normal workers like any Spaniard, they can stay like any immigrant. Our idea is not to support criminals from other countries because Spain already has enough of them." At first glance, they may not seem antisemitic, but, unfortunately, the few Spanish Jews are effectively Spanish citizens like others, although descended from the xuetes of Majorca and Jews who obtained citizenship after proving descent from the Sephardim forced to flee. Instead, judging by the response, they are considered foreign elements to be treated paternalistically. Furthermore, it is indicative that Jews are equated with Israelis. The respondent did not make any distinction between the two groups.

Another leitmotif of this party is the dream of regaining Gibraltar and the firm intention to defend the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, and to do so – of course – it is necessary to invest more in Defense. Like all far-right parties, they seek to gain the support of the military, a necessary step for those with imperialistic aspirations. However, for now, it seems that the love is one-sided. On Twitter/X, they follow the page of the Armed Forces, but no military personnel, at least officially, follow them. They also follow the Asociación Unión de Brigadas, which fights against independence, and in this, they align with all far-right parties opposing the agreement between Sanchez and the Catalan separatists of Puigdemont. What sets them apart from other right-wing parties, like all the red-brown parties derived from Strasserism, is the emphasis on the anti-capitalist social revolution and the dignity of workers. This approach could be aimed at capturing the attention of poor South Americans and young Spaniards, leveraging the growing economic difficulties.


-        - https://linktr.ee/partido_hispano_esp



November 29, 2023

Death of Kissinger - De mortuis nihil nisi bonum?

Former U.S. Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, has passed away, taking with him the lingering controversies surrounding Operation Condor and Operation Colombo, the vuelos de la muerte, and the desaparecidos, as well as the mysterious murders of Aldo Moro and Olof Palme. In the best-case scenario, his conscience bore the weight of 60,000 deaths, and in the worst case, tens of thousands more. Many of these were not dangerous militants but ordinary men and women, civilians who advocated for their ideals through rhetoric and civic engagement, certainly not with mortars and Kalashnikovs. His political decisions left a long trail of widows, orphans, and children torn from their families. An ethical burden of no small measure, which, however, did not prevent him from eating, sleeping, and reaching the century of life without any apparent sense of guilt, much like the numerous nonagenarian and centenarian Nazis who worked in concentration camps.

Almost an oracular figure, praised by the Atlanticist press as a deus ex machina from across the ocean - though it is easy to be such when representing the most powerful state in the world - his books were lauded for their Byzantine complexity and cynical wit of Realpolitik. Yet, those who have read them (like me) detect a style too different not to suspect an entire team of ghostwriters. Charles Hill made his fortune this way, but others have never risen to fame in the headlines.

It is said that he hated the military so much that he once stated, "Military men are just dumb stupid animals to be used as pawns in foreign policy." However, it is challenging to consider him a genuine civilian and not a product of the CIA or FBI. His perfect knowledge of German was useful to the USA during World War II, and it is highly likely that, like other veterans, he was rewarded with a position in Defense, especially since those familiar with that world know that "fake civilians" are not uncommon and constitute a logical and widespread branch of the sector. Harvard, which awarded him various academic titles, is closely associated with the CIA and has often "facilitated" the academic paths of undercover military personnel (1). His doctoral thesis focused on Metternich, a figure popular in military circles at the time. Historian Mack Walker also studied Metternich around the same years, received his education at Harvard, and had a significant background in Defense (2). The line between being military and a "product" of the military environment can be blurred or emphasized and may even vary over time, depending on the role one plays, what one knows, and the extent of one's connections. Some collaborators may not even realize that they are part of a larger mechanism or being manipulated, and many may pretend not to understand it. Therefore, over time, many ex-soldiers may have convinced themselves that they are ordinary civilians and may have achieved a certain degree of autonomy and academic freedom. However, it is difficult to believe that this is the case with Kissinger, who pursued McCarthyist repression with great dedication. His actions were emblematic of a dedication to a cause that knows no hesitations or doubts, an idealistic black-and-white worldview that does not admit the infinite shades of gray, ultimately lacking the natural impartiality of the academic world but typical of spies.

The Kissinger cables and additional leaks paint an unflattering picture of a man who viscerally, almost pathologically, hated every communist and socialist in the world, referring to the Swedish Prime Minister as a "gadfly" only to praise him when "someone" killed him. Hypocrisy? A diplomatic choice? The fact remains that, despite the wish for trials that never occurred, invoked in the timid and subdued manner of someone who knows that the accused is and will always be untouchable, no one has ever asked him who was behind Sveaborg, and the same goes for other European paramilitary organizations in Operation Gladio (3). Finally, the last meager panegyrics have been uttered, and the curtain falls on a man who was a disgrace for many Jews and, for many others, an unpunished war criminal.


1- https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2017/10/03/%E2%80%98spy-schools-how-cia-fbi-and-foreign-intelligence-secretly-exploit-america%E2%80%99s

2- https://www.historians.org/research-and-publications/perspectives-on-history/may-2021/mack-walker-(1929%E2%80%932021)

3- https://www.flamman.se/tyst-terror/






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